Let's talk straight about the Kurdish question. I remember sitting in a café in Diyarbakir years ago, sipping bitter Turkish coffee with a Kurdish teacher who leaned across the table and said, "You outsiders always ask what Kurds want like it's a simple menu order. But my cousin in Erbil wants different things than my brother in Aleppo." That conversation stuck with me. So when people search "what do Kurds want to do", there's no single answer – it's a mosaic of political dreams, cultural needs, and daily survival tactics across four countries.

Breaking Down Country-Specific Kurdish Goals

Kurds in Turkey: Cultural Survival vs Political Recognition

Walking through Sur district in Diyarbakir before the 2015 crackdown, you'd hear Kurdish music spilling from shops and see Kurdish letters on street signs. Today? Much of that vibrancy feels muted. What Kurdish communities in Turkey want most immediately:

• Language rights - Teaching Kurdish in schools legally (currently only elective courses)
• Political representation - Ending the 10% election threshold blocking pro-Kurdish parties
• Demilitarization - Withdrawal of military checkpoints in southeast Turkey
• Cultural freedom - Removing bans on Kurdish names, festivals, publications

But here's where it gets messy. While urban Kurds push for political reform, villagers near the Iraqi border care more about soldiers not confiscating their livestock at checkpoints. The Turkish state's stubborn denial of Kurdish identity makes every small demand feel revolutionary.

Iraqi Kurdistan: The Autonomy Experiment

Drive from Erbil to Sulaymaniyah and you'll see billboards boasting "Kurdistan: The Other Iraq." With their own parliament, Peshmerga forces, and oil exports, Iraqi Kurds have achieved what many Kurds elsewhere dream about. Yet ask locals in Erbil's Qaysari Bazaar what they want now, and you'll hear:

• Economic independence - Ending Baghdad's control over oil revenue sharing
• Border security - Halting Turkish/Iranian cross-border operations
• Internal unity - Reducing KDP-PUK factionalism draining resources
• Services improvement - Fixing electricity shortages and infrastructure

The 2017 independence referendum backfired spectacularly, losing them Kirkuk and billions in revenue. These days, most Kurdish officials quietly admit statehood is off the table for a generation. Still, the dream persists in private conversations - I've lost count of how many taxi drivers in Erbil have told me, "Next time you come, maybe we'll stamp your passport!"

Syria's Kurds: Revolution in Progress

In Qamishli's markets, you'll see something unique: Kurdish, Arabic, and Assyrian signs side-by-side, with women in YPJ uniforms buying groceries. Since 2012, Syria's Kurds have built what they call "democratic confederalism" - arguably the most radical experiment in Kurdish self-rule. Their core objectives:

• Preserve autonomy - Formal recognition of the AANES (Autonomous Administration)
• Implement multi-ethnic governance - Maintain power-sharing with Arab/Turkmen groups
• Counter Turkish threats - Prevent further Turkish incursions like Afrin/Serêkaniyê
• Economic survival - Navigate sanctions while rebuilding after ISIS

But let's be honest - that women-led, eco-socialist model makes Western journalists swoon but gives Ankara nightmares. The PYD's ties to the PKK create irreconcilable tensions. During my last visit to Hasakah, a local council member confessed: "We built schools and women's centers while fighting ISIS, but now everyone just asks why we don't cut ties with Qandil."

Iran's Kurds: The Forgotten Struggle

While Kurdish protests in Iran grab headlines during uprisings like Mahsa Amini's, the daily reality involves textbook smuggling and covert mother-tongue classes. Iranian Kurds face dual repression: as Kurds under Persian dominance, and as Sunnis in a Shia theocracy. Their priorities:

• End discriminatory laws - Kurdish regions receive less development funding
• Halt executions - Iran executes more Kurds than any other group
• Cultural freedom - Legalize Kurdish media/language education
• Political inclusion - Fair representation in Tehran's power structures

The September 2022 uprising showed Kurdish cities like Sanandaj leading nationwide protests, but Tehran's brutal response proved how fragile gains can be. When security forces killed over 90 protesters in Javanrud alone, it reinforced a bitter truth - meaningful change requires shaking the entire Islamic Republic structure.